Participants reported their past or intended voting, candidate evaluations, and demographic information, including gender, race, level of education, and political party affiliation through surveys. They also completed questions that indicated their endorsement of hegemonic masculinity by reporting their opinion on male social norms, as well as their trust in government.
Across the board, hegemonic masculinity predicted voting for and evaluations of Trump equally well for women and men, white and non-white people, as well as Democrats and Republicans. Based on these findings, the researchers say hegemonic masculinity helps explain why Donald Trump appeals to some women and minority voters.
“Rejection of racialized notions of culturally idealized forms of masculinity may be central to effective attempts to challenge the status quo,” Velcro says. People's prejudiced attitudes (their levels of sexism, racism, xenophobia, homophobia, or Islamophobia) consistently predicted evaluations of both Clinton and Biden, as well as their trust in government.
The findings highlight the importance of psychological examinations of masculinity as a cultural ideology to understand how men’s and women’s endorsement of HM legitimizes patriarchal dominance and reinforces gender, race, and class-based hierarchies via candidate support. By the time we first featured him on the cover of The Economist three months later, though we took a rather playful approach to the artwork, it was becoming clear Mr Trump was being taken seriously by a significant proportion of Republican voters.
Yet on November 8th, fully eight covers and 14 months hence, Mr Trump emerged the victor in a massive political upset, despite having trailed Hillary Clinton by around four percentage points in the polls. Marking the occasion of his election, the irreverent imagery that characterized so many previous covers is replaced by a sober tone, reflected in the issue’s accompanying pieces.
Predictions that Mr Trump would not succeed in his ambitious bid were wide of the mark. It is difficult to estimate with confidence how many more times he will inevitably feature on our front page in the future.
A Pulitzer Prize winner, Stephen Greenblatt, argues that Shakespeare understood how those unfit for political office gain and hold on to power U.S. President Donald Trump departs after speaking during an announcement in the Diplomatic Room of the White House in Washington, D.C., U.S., on Tuesday, May 8, 2018.
Trump said the U.S. will withdraw from the landmark 2015 accord to curb Iran's nuclear program and that he would reinstate financial sanctions on the Islamic Republic, casting the Mideast into a new period of uncertainty. In the late summer of 2016, the eminent American literary historian Stephen Greenblatt found himself in a verdant garden in Sardinia, feeling increasingly apprehensive about the upcoming U.S. presidential election.
The author of the Pulitzer Prize-winning The Swerve: How the World Became Modern decided he should write something about his fears, but exactly what didn’t become clear until after they were realized that fall. As Greenblatt, now 74, watched the Trump presidency unfold in its tragicomic way, a seemingly endless series of parallels from the Bard’s plays began “rattling around in my head,” he says, and eventually inspired Tyrant: Shakespeare on Politics.
Shakespeare’s era did have an intense fear of terrorism, domestic and foreign, inspired by religion. After all, there was an attempt to blow up the entire government in 1605 and there were constant fears of assassination.
The issues I’m talking about extend considerably beyond, obviously, this regime to many others in the contemporary world, including ones that are even worse than ours are. But also, Shakespeare is talking about things that are problems of our species, how we organize ourselves and society over a very long period of time.
When his fellow elites are trying to mold him into a more successful politician, they tell Coriolanus to “speak fair” to the plebeians. A: Yeah, on what happens when the ruler begins to show signs of extreme instability, impulsiveness or madness.
“Now Congress has certified the results a new administration will be inaugurated on January 20th,” Mr Trump read from a script, even-toned and conciliatory while looking chastened. There was no admittance that falsely claiming mass voter fraud robbed him of a “landslide” victory had been wrong.
The full story of how the US president reached that point will be told in history books to come, but already a picture from inside the White House bunker during those fateful 36 hours has emerged. As footage rolled in of what happened once the crowds reached Congress, not just chanting opposition to the confirmation of Mr Biden’s victory that was happening inside but clashes with police, then smashing into the building, then running rampant through the corridors, Mr Trump reportedly showed little remorse.
Meanwhile, Mr Trump was being told he could have legal exposure for the scenes of carnage playing out in the Capitol by his the White House counsel, Pat Cipollone, according to The New York Times. As the National Guard retook control of the Capitol and congressmen returned to complete their confirmation of Mr Biden’s victory, condemnation flooded in.
So too did past members of Mr Trump ’s cabinet like former chief of staff John Kelly, former attorney general Bill Barr, former defense secretary Jim Mathis. The resignations began: first members of the president’s press shop, then his deputy national security adviser.
Supporters of US President Donald Trump run through the Rotunda of the US Capitol Credit: JIM LO Scale/Nepalese/Shutterstock Both Mike Pompeo, the Secretary of State, and Steve Mnuchin, the treasury secretary, two of the president’s closest confidantes and most ardent defenders, were among those who discussed the idea, according to CNBC. He was locked out of his Twitter account after failing to delete his Wednesday afternoon post expressing “love” for the rioters.
Nancy Pelosi and Chuck Schumer, the Democratic leaders in the US House of Representatives and the Senate respectively, delivered an ultimatum: sack Mr Trump via the 25th Amendment, or we will impeach. It would eventually emerge five people had been killed in the chaos, including one police officer who attempted to keep the crowds back.
Ivanka Trump, the president’s daughter and a senior White House adviser, reportedly moved to reassure Republican congressmen that a presidential message of unity was coming. “The demonstrators who infiltrated the Capitol have defiled the seat of American democracy,” Mr Trump said, reading the words from a teleprompter.
Near the end of the speech he gave a message of coming together: “We must revitalize the sacred bonds of love and loyalty that bind us together as one national family.” As a young boy Donald Trump was an energetic and assertive child and his worried parents sent him to the New York Military Academy at 13, hoping the school would channel his energy in a more positive manner.
The school’s discipline did do him good and Trump went on to earn academic honors and even played in the varsity football and baseball teams, the latter of which he captained in 1964. He wanted to expand the company and was able to persuade his father to be more liberal in the loans based on the equity in the Trump apartment complexes.
In 1974 Trump acquired one of Pennsylvania Central’s oldest hotels, The Commodore, which was not earning money at the time but strategically located next to Grand Central Station. The following year he signed a partnership with Hyatt Hotel Corp. which did not have a presence in the area. The 58-story building opened in 1982 and impressed visitors with its six-story atrium lined with pink marble and an 80-foot waterfall.
He bought property in Atlantic City and got a partnership offered by Holiday Inns Corp. which operated Hurrah’s Casino. In 1982 a Hurrah’s Casino opened at the Trump Plaza but Trump later brought out Holiday Inn in 1986 and renamed it the Trump Plaza Hotel and Casino. He was not idle in Atlantic City either, where he bought a Hilton casino hotel and later the Taj Mahal. In 1985, he bought a 76 acres on the west side of Manhattan to build a complex to be called Television City, upon which was to rise a mall, a riverfront park and a dozen skyscrapers.
Opposition by the local community delayed the construction of the project. Always wary for any opportunity, Trump also set his eyes south and built a condominium project in West Palm Beach, Florida. In 1990 the real estate market declined and the value of income of Trump ’s empire was drastically decreased.
Only a massive infusion of loans kept it from collapsing, and just when everybody had counted him out Trump brought his company back, coming close to worth $2 billion in 1997. In1997 he filed for divorce from her which was finalized in 1999. In January 2005 Trump married model Melania Klaus.
One of Trump ’s more colorful friends is World Wrestling Federation Chairman Vince McMahon. Trump often guested on wrestling specials where they would make bets. The most famous one was where they each picked a wrestler to fight for them and the winner would shave the loser’s head.
At one time Trump acted as his financial adviser and even hosted his fight against Michael Spines in Atlantic City. On October 1999, Trump said he formed a committee to look into his decision whether to seek the Reform Party’s nomination for the 2000 presidential elections.