The Detroit Post
Wednesday, 20 October, 2021

Donald Trump Legacy

Maria Johnson
• Thursday, 17 December, 2020
• 8 min read

“You’ll never take back our country with weakness,” Trump told his followers in a rally on the Ellipse in D.C. Wednesday around noon, moments before they attacked Congress. Former GOP President George W. Bush slammed Trump ’s “reckless behavior.” Rep. Liz Cheney, the No.

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3 House Republican, ripped Trump for having “caused” the violence, and thundered: “This will be part of his legacy.” “The president bears responsibility for today’s events by promoting the unfounded conspiracy theories that have led to this point,” Republican Sen. Richard Burr of North Carolina said in a statement.

He told Congress over a year ago that Trump would never accept a peaceful transition of power if he lost the election. Shortly after Trump ’s defeat in November, Cohen told VICE News his view on that score remained unchanged.

Those violent exhortations eventually mixed together with mind-bending conspiracy theories that nurtured the resentment and grievance among his followers. He refused to denounce the unhinged QAnon conspiracy movement, which holds that Trump is really some undercover superhero battling blood-sucking satanists and child molesters.

He released a video in which he put more energy into denouncing the election than urging his followers to go home. As a result, Twitter locked Trump ’s infamous account for 12 hours and warned he could soon get kicked off permanently.

A protester screams “Freedom” inside the Senate chamber after the U.S. Capitol was breached by a mob during a joint session of Congress on January 06, 2021, in Washington, DC. Legacies can be good or bad, but they are lasting and form how that president is thought of by future generations.

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President Donald Trump ’s legacy has yet to be written, and if leftists have their way it will be as negative as anyone could imagine. No, it’s something much more significant and important, provided we’re smart enough as a nation to recognize it and, honestly, not screw it up.

To hear the media tell it, Donald Trump bungled handling the coronavirus, like he could somehow have stopped a microscopic virus China hid from the world until it was too late. But the coronavirus response by the Trump administration led to what could be one of the greatest legacies any president could have: Operation Warp Speed.

With Operation Warp Speed, President Trump exposed one of the greatest lies politicians have been telling for generations: the government is helpful and necessary. Operation Warp Speed cut through all the red tape and unnecessary bureaucracy government had allowed growing, unfettered, over decades.

The fact of the matter is this: were Hillary Clinton President of the United States, or really any Democrat or any other Republican, this likely would not have happened. No Democrat would have accepted the removal of government, any layer of it, from a process they’d worked so hard to insert it into.

Democrat governors impose restrictions and lockdowns with the excitement of a kid ripping open Christmas presents; COVID-19 is seen as an opportunity as much as a crisis, and they never want a good crisis to go to waste. Judging by what they’ve said publicly, this is a chance to change things, to impose their perverted view of “justice.” The idea of expediting an end to this opening is inconceivable.

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On the other hand, other Republicans in Washington talk a good game about reducing the size and scope of government, but when it comes to actually doing anything to make that happen…they’re not so great at that. Most Republicans wouldn’t have had the guts because it meant also opening yourself up to all the blame if it didn’t work.

As these vaccines roll out, remember he’s about the only person with a chance to be president who would have done what was essential to get us to this point. And maybe, just maybe, Republicans will start working toward accomplishing some of those other goals they’ve campaigned on wanting too.

Trump ’s presidency is reflected in a broad range of numbers representing everything from the U.S. death toll during the coronavirus pandemic to the miles of his “big, beautiful wall” along the border with Mexico to the tens of thousands of tweets he sent during four years in office. -6: Coronavirus vaccines being developed and-or distributed under Trump ’s Operation Warp Speed program.

Trump had pledged during the 2016 campaign to eliminate the gap between federal spending and revenue. Tax cuts Trump enacted in 2017 contributed to the imbalance, and it ballooned further after Congress passed $2.4 trillion in economic relief earlier this year to help unemployed workers, business owners and others weather the financial fallout from the coronavirus pandemic.

$21 trillion: Federal debt in December, when it exceeded the size of the economy for the first time in history outside World War II. 203: Days the Pentagon operated without a Senate-confirmed defense secretary, the longest stretch in the history of the office.

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450: Miles of Trump ’s “big, beautiful” steel wall along the U.S.-Mexico border expected to completed by year’s end. Assessments of Trump ’s performance were remarkably stable, compared with his recent predecessors, ranging from a low of 32% to a high of 43% in AFNOR polls.

1 billion: Barrels of oil and gas pumped from federally managed lands in 2019 as the administration sped permits and opened wilderness and other areas to the industry. Associated Press writers Martin Cruising, Paul Wiseman, Andrew Taylor, Ellen Bricklayer, Deb Riemann, Ben Fox, Robert Burns, Hannah Finger hut, Ricardo Alonso-Zaldivar and Jessica Greek contributed to this report.

In Trump ’s last year, the trade deficit was on track to exceed $600 billion, the largest gap since 2008. America under Trump became less free, less equal, more divided, more alone, deeper in debt, swampier, dirtier, meaner, sicker, and deader.

Richard Nixon’s lifelong habit of prevaricating gave him the nickname “Tricky Dick.” After Vietnam and Watergate, Americans never fully recovered their trust in government. But these cases of presidential lying came from a time when the purpose was limited and rational: to cover up a scandal, make a disaster disappear, mislead the public in service of a particular goal.

After Jimmy Carter, in his 1976 campaign, promised, “I’ll never lie to you,” and then pretty much kept his word, voters sent him back to Georgia. They spread beyond public policy to invade private life, clouding the mental faculties of everyone who had to breathe his air, dissolving the very distinction between truth and falsehood.

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He was stunningly forthright about things that other presidents would have gone to great lengths to keep secret: his true feelings about Senator John McCain and other war heroes; his eagerness to get rid of disloyal underlings; his desire for law enforcement to protect his friends and hurt his enemies; his effort to extort a foreign leader for dirt on a political adversary; his affection for Kim Jong-un and admiration for Vladimir Putin; his positive view of white nationalists; his hostility toward racial and religious minorities; and his contempt for women. Trump spoke them openly, not because he couldn’t control his impulses, but intentionally, even systematically, in order to demolish the norms that would otherwise have constrained his power.

Two days after the polls closed, with the returns showing him almost certain to lose, Trump stood at the White House podium and declared himself the winner of an election that his opponent was trying to steal. This crowning conspiracy theory of Trump ’s presidency activated his entitled children, compliant staff, and sycophants in Congress and the media to issue dozens of statements declaring that the election was fraudulent.

Following the mechanism of every big lie of the Trump years, the Republican Party establishment fell in line. Within a week of Election Day, false claims of voter fraud in swing states had received almost 5 million mentions in the press and on social media.

So a stab-in-the-back narrative was buried in the minds of millions of Americans, where it burns away, as imperishable as a carbon isotope, consuming whatever is left of their trust in democratic institutions and values. This narrative will widen the gap between Trump believers and their compatriots who might live in the same town, but a different universe.

In rational people this provoked incredulity, outrage, exhaustion, and finally an impulse to crawl away and abandon the field of politics to the fantasists. After the election, as charges of voter fraud began to pile up, Matthew Sheffield, a reformed right-wing media activist, tweeted : “Truth for conservative journalists is anything that harms ‘the left.’ It doesn’t even have to be a fact.

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Hannah Arndt, in The Origins of Totalitarianism, describes the susceptibility to propaganda of the atomized modern masses, “obsessed by a desire to escape from reality because in their essential homelessness they can no longer bear its accidental, incomprehensible aspects.” They seek refuge in “a man-made pattern of relative consistency” that bears little relation to reality. Though the U.S. is still a democratic republic, not a totalitarian regime, and Trump was an all-American demagogue, not a fascist dictator, his followers abandoned common sense and found their guide to the world in him.

His reign of lies drove educated Americans to place their faith, and even their identity, all the more certainly in experts, who didn’t always deserve it (the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, election pollsters). Trump ’s legacy includes an extremist Republican Party that tries to hold on to power by flagrantly undemocratic means, and an opposition pushed toward its own version of extremism.

But we now have the chance, because two events in Trump ’s last year in office broke the spell of his sinister perversion of the truth. The beginning of the end of Trump ’s presidency arrived on March 11, 2021, when he addressed the nation for the first time on the subject of the pandemic and showed himself to be completely out of his depth.

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